…by Jonas E. Alexis
If you accept the ideological categories which the Holocaust establishment has forced upon much of the West, then you must deduce that Ben Bernanke is ipso facto an anti-Semite.
Bernanke, the man who is known for playing dice with the economy at everyone’s expense, said last month that Adolf Hitler was “the person who sort of most understood fiscal policy,” presumably because he helped the German economy during the 1930s.
“Conformist” historian Ian Kershaw said pretty much the same thing:
“A third, extremely important, component of the perceived Fuhrer image was, therefore, that of the architect and creator of Germany’s ‘economic miracle’ of the 1930s. Part of the apologetic of the post-war era was, of course, that despite his ‘mistakes’, Hitler had revamped the economy, rid Germany of unemployment, and built the motorways.
“This is itself testimony to the penetrating and enduring features of this aspect of the contemporary Hitler image. Certainly, by 1939 it was difficult to deny that economic conditions in Germany, for whatever reasons, had improved dramatically since the Depression era.”
Of course, Kershaw, in order to please the Holocaust establishment and keep his job and perhaps even his life, had to contradict himself. He added: “The working class remained the social grouping least impressed by the ‘economic miracle’ and relatively immune to the image of Hitler as the creator of Germany’s striking new prosperity.”
Well, which is it, Kershaw? If “economic conditions in Germany had improved dramatically since the Depression era,” how does that line up with the view that “The working class remained the social grouping least impressed by the ‘economic miracle….’?” And wouldn’t that bold statement itself defeat Daniel Jonah Goldhagen’s intellectually perverse and historically incoherent thesis that ordinary Germans were guilty of supporting Hitler?
You see, historians like Kershaw have locked themselves into a corner and as a result are unable to dissect the good, the bad, and the ugly of National Socialism without falling into their own trap. The Holocaust establishment and thought police tell us that no one can praise or even remotely suggest that National Socialism did some good without being an anti-Semite or a Hitler apologist, but members of the establishment cannot help but drop a few good words about National Socialism every now and then.
What we are seeing here is that members of the establishment are trying to have it both ways. If former prime minister of Israel Menachem Begin is right in saying that “Every German is a Nazi” and that “Every German is a murderer,” then it makes no sense whatever for Bernanke and Kershaw to even suggest that Hitler, presumably the arch-enemy of European Jews, largely saved the German economy.
Bernanke and Kershaw show again and again that the Holocaust establishment cannot exist without contradiction and self-defeating premises. As E. Michael Jones puts it,
“We live in a culture which erects monuments to Jewish culture. We also live in a culture which prohibits unauthorized interpretations of Jewish monuments. The Holocaust is the prime Jewish cultural monument of our day.
“So we have a federally funded Holocaust museum in Washington, but at the same time it is illegal in many countries of the world to question any of the self-contradictory assertions about the Holocaust…
“Questioning the number of people who died in concentration camps, whether they died in gas chambers or by other means, or whether there was a plan to exterminate Jews, can land you in jail in 13 countries in the world, even though the numbers have already changed a number of times and the term holocaust came from a by now abandoned assertion that the Jews were exterminated in pits of flaming kerosene.”
Jean-Marie Le Pen has recently been fined “£25,000 for Holocaust denial after describing the gas chambers as a ‘detail of history.’” Yet Jewish historian Bernard Lewis and even the state of Israel have denied the Armenian genocide or Holocaust without any consequence whatsoever.
We are obviously living in an intolerable and irrational world in which practical reason has progressively become a relic of the past. Historians like Kershaw know better, but they have to crank out historically implausible scenarios in order to maintain a wicked ideology. This is one reason why military historian R. H. S. Stolfi of the U.S. Naval Post-graduate School has “weighted the great biographies [of Hitler] on the scales of historical reality and found them wanting…”
According to Stolfi, the great biographies do not ask the deep questions about Nazi Germany and fail to address the serious issues surrounding the evolution of Hitler and the real causes of World War II. He writes,
“Virtually every literary piece written about Adolf Hitler in the more than half century since 1945 has been based on antipathy. In a seemingly boundless corpus of writing, every work from the mighty to the insignificant is fundamentally similar in its common revulsion for the man and his national movement.
“In the most recent great biography, Professor Ian Kershaw begins and ends with detestation. His work is skilled and often brilliant, but he fails to inform the reader of certain characteristics indispensable for true comprehension of the man, and he underestimates the importance of the postwar conditions inflicted by the Allies on Germany, which contributed to Hitler’s rise.
“Bullock, Fest, and Kershaw ascribe criminal features to Hitler’s foreign policy from 1933 through 1939, but they fail to correlate it realistically with the Allied imposition of the Versailles Treaty—the ultimate manifestation of German defeat and Allied victory following World War I.
“In the present situation, the reading public has been served only half a portrait of the great tyrant of the twentieth century….half a portrait of Hitler tells us little about the man as a human being and presents a distorted and incredible interpretation of his actions as creator of National Socialism and leader of Germany.
“The great biographies take excessive liberties in denigrating his person, and, in doing so, they make it difficult to comprehend him…Every single one falls short of producing an adequate understanding of Hitler as a historical person. To this point in time, the biographers have lost the biographical war.”
“The great biographies” get thicker virtually every month or so, and the list is now almost endless. Just pick up David Cesarani’s Final Solution: The Fate of the Jews 1933-1949, and you will quickly realize that it has almost a thousand pages.
Robert S. Wistrich’s Hitler and the Holocaust has chapters such as “From Weimar to Hitler,” but this book again is weighed and found wanting because it does not ask fundamental questions about the so-called Holocaust and how Nazi Germany would have been almost impossible without Jewish subversive movements.
In short, “Holocaust” has become big business. As Jewish Holocaust historian Tim Cole of the University of Bristol puts it,
“‘Shoah [Hebrew for Holocaust] business’ is big business…[In] the twentieth century, the ‘Holocaust’ is being bought and sold. $168 million was donated to pay for the building of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum on a plot of Federal Land in Washington, DC.
“Millions of dollars have financed memorial projects throughout the United States, ranging from the installation of Holocaust memorials to the establishing of University chairs in Holocaust studies. Steven Spielberg’s movie Schindler’s List netted over $221 million in foreign box offices and even Academy Awards.”
In the past sixteen years or so, we have seen how multiple Jewish groups have capitalized on this “Shoah business,” which Norman Finkelstein has called “The Holocaust Industry.”
 See also David A. Stockman, “State-Wrecked: The Corruption of Capitalism in America,” NY Times, March 30, 2013.
 Erik Moshe, “Ben Bernanke Says ‘Hitler Was the Guy Who Got Economics Right in the 1930s,’” History News Network, February 21, 2016.
 Daniel Jonah Goldhagen, Hitler’s Willing Executioners: Ordinary Germans and the Holocaust (New York: Vintage Books, 1996).
 Quoted in Tom Segev, The Seventh Million: The Israelis and the Holocaust (New York: Henry Holt, 2000), 216.
 E. Michael Jones, Assassins and Character Assassins (South Bend: Fidelity Press, 2012), kindle edition.
 Peter Allen, “Former French far-Right leader Jean-Marie Le Pen is fined £25,000 for Holocaust denial after describing the gas chambers as a ‘detail of history,’” Daily Mail, April 6, 2016.
 R. H. S. Stolfi, Hitler: Beyond Evil and Tyranny (New York: Prometheus Books, 2011), 11.
 Ibid., 11, 12, 17.
 For further studies on this and related topics, see for example Sarah Ann Gordon, Hitler, Germans, and the Jewish Question (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980); Bryan Mark Rigg, Hitler’s Jewish Soldiers: The Untold Story of Nazi Racial Laws and Men of Jewish Descent in the German Military (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2002); Rescued from the Reich: How One of Hitler’s Soldiers Saved the Lubavitcher Rebbe (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004); Albert S. Lindemann, Esau’s Tears: Modern Anti-Semitism and the Rise of the Jews (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997); Erich Haberer, Jews and Revolution in Nineteenth-Century Russia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995).
 Tim Cole, Selling the Holocaust: From Auschwitz to Schindler, How History is Bought, Packaged and Sold (New York: Routledge, 2000), 1.
 Norman Finkelstein, The Holocaust Industry: Reflections on the Exploitation of Jewish Suffering (New York: Verso, 2000 and 2015). See also Finkelstein’s Beyond Chutzpah: On the Misuse of Anti-Semitism and the Abuse of History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005).