The Khazars Join The Democratic Party
The triumphant Khazars, aided by other converts to Communism, strengthened their grasp on prostrate Russia by a succession of purges in which many millions of Russians lost their lives, either by immediate murder or in the slow terror of slave labor camps. These purges do not concern us here except as a sample of what Soviet rule would bring to America, namely, the slaying of 15,000,000 persons on a list already prepared by name and category (statement to the author by a former-high ranking international Communist who has deserted Stalinism). The lecture, Matt Cvetic, a former F. B. I. undercover agent, gives, more recently, a much higher figure; he states that almost all men and women over thirty, having been found too old for re-education, would be slaughtered. For details, write to Borger News-Herald, Borger, Texas, asking reprint of We Owe a Debt (April 16, 1952) by J.C.Phillips.
Even as they subjected the Russian people to a rule of terror, the new rulers of Russia promptly and effectively penetrated the countries of Western Europe and also Canada and (as shown in Chapter II) the United States. For their fateful choice of our country as a goal of their major though not yet completly and finally successful endeavor, there were several reasons.
In the first place, with its mutually advantageous capital labor relations, its enormous productivity, and its high standard of living, the United States of America was an existing visible refutation of the black Soviet lie that their Communist dictstorship did more than our Republic for the workingman. The idea that the capitalistic democracies (Britain and America) were formidable obstacles to the spread of Communism and had to be destroyed was expressed, many times by Soviet leaders and notably by Stalin in his great address ( Moscow, March 10, 1939) to the 18 th Congress of the Communist Party. This elaborate official statement of Soviet policy was made before the outbreak of World War II, and nearly three years before our involvement, and was trumpeted rather than hidden under a bushel. It can therefore be safely predicated that our State Department, with its numerous staffs, offices, bureaus, and divisions, was promptly
aware of the contents of this speech and of the Soviet goal of overthrowing our capitalist democracy.
The second reason for large scale Communist exploitation of the United States was our traditional lack of any laws prohibiting or regulating immigration into the United States and our negligence or politics in enforcing immigration laws when they had been passed (Chapter II, above). The illegal entry of aliens into the United States is one of the most serious and difficult problems confronting the Immigration and Naturalization Service. . . Since the end of World War II the problem of illegal entry has increased tremendously . . . There is ample evidence that there is an alarmingly large number of aliens in the United States in an illegal status. Under the alien registration act of 1940 some 5,000,000 aliens were registered (The Immigration and Naturalization Systems of the United States, pp. 629,630).
The third principal reason for the Communist exploitation of the United States was the absence of any effective policy regarding resident foreigners even when their activities are directed toward the overthrow of the government. Thus in 1950 several hundreds of thousands of foreigners, among the millions illegally in this country, were arrested and released for want of adequate provisions for deporting them.
As shown in Chapter II, above, persons of Khazar background or traditions had entered the United States in large numbers in the waves of immigration between 1880 and the outbreak of World War I in 1914. The Soviet seizure of Russia took place in 1917, however, and the hey-day for Communist-inclined immigrants from Eastern Europe was the five-year period between the end of World War I (1919) and the passage of the 1924 law restricting immigration. Recorded immigrants to this country in that brief span of time amounted to approximately three million and large numbers of the newcomers were from, Eastern Europe. Most significantly, with Communism in power in Russia, many of the new immigrants were not only ideologically hostile to the Western Christian civilization of which America was the finest development, but were actual agents of the new Rulers of Russia Conspicuous among these was Sidney Hillman, who had turned from his Rabbinical education (Who Was Who in America, Vol. II, p. 254) to political activities if international scope. Twenty-two years before Franklin Roosevelt gave orders to clear everything with Sidney, similar orders were given American Communists by Lenin himself, Hillman being at that time President of the Russian-American Industrial Corporation at 103 E. Fourteenth St., New York (article by Walter Trohan and photostat in Washington Times-Herald, October 29, 1944).
Surely a relatively small number of Khazar immigrants from Russia came as actual Soviet agents; not all of them came was confirmed Marxists; and some of them have doubtless conformed to the traditional American mores. The contrary is neither stated nor implied as a general propositional. The fact remains, however, that the newer immigrants, to an even greater degree than their predecessors of the same stock, were determined to resist absorption into Western Christian civilization and were determined also to further their aims by political alignment and pressure.
In the first three decades of the twentieth century, few of the several million non-Christian immigrants from Eastern Europe were attracted to the Republican Party, which was a majority party with no need to bargain for recruits. The Democratic Party, on the contrary, was in bad need of additional voters. It had elected Woodrow Wilson by a huge electoral majority in 1912 when the Republican Party was split be tween the followers of William Howard Taft and those of Theodore Roosevelt, but the Democratic popular vote was 1,413,708 less than the combined Taft and Roosevelt votes. in-fact, bet3ween 1892 (Cleveland‘s election over Harrison) and 1932 (F.D. Roosevelt‘s election over Hoover), the Democratic candidate had pooled more presidential popular votes than the Republican candidate (9,129,606 to 8,538,221) only once, when Woodrow Wilson was elected (1916) to a second term on the slogan, He kept us out of war.
In all the other elections, Republican majorities were substantial. Applying arithmetic to the popular vote of the seven presidential elections from 1904 to 1928 inclusive (Worked Almanac, 1949, p. 91), it is seen that on the average, the Democrats, except under extraordinary circumstances, could not in the first three decades of the twentieth century count on as much as 45% of the votes.
In addition to its need for more votes, the Democratic Party had another characteristic which appealed to the politically minded Eastern European newcomers and drew to its ranks all but a handful of those who did not join a leftist splinter party. Unlike the Republican Party, which still had a fairly homogeneous membership, the Democratic Party was a collection of several groups. The Democratic Party is not a political party at all; it‘s a marriage of convenience among assorted bedfellows, each of whom hates most of the other (William Bradford Huie in an article, Truman‘s Plan to Make Eisenhower President, Cosmopolitan, July, 1951, p. 31).
In the early part of the twentieth century the two largest components of the Democratic Party were the rural Protestant Southerners and the urban Catholic Northerners, who stood as a matter of course for the cardinal principles of Western Christian civilization, but otherwise had little in common politically except an opposition, chiefly because of vanished issues, to the Republican Party. The third group, which had been increasing rapidly after 1880, consisted of Eastern Europeans and other liberals, best exemplified perhaps by the distinguished Harvard Jew, of Prague stock, Louis Dembitz Brandeis, whom President Woodrow Wilson, for reasons not yet fully known by the people, named to the United States Supreme Court. This man, at once so able, and in his legal and other attitudes so far to the left for the America of 1916, deserves attention as a symbol of the future for the Democratic Party, and through that party, for
According to the Universal Jewish Encyclopedia, there was an historical battle in the Senate in regard to Brandeis‘ radicalism‘, and his alleged lack of judicial temperament‘. These alleged qualities provoked opposition to the nomination by seven former presidents of the American Bar Association, including ex Secretary of State Elihu Root and ex-President William Howard Taft.
Despite the opposition, the nomination was confirmed by the Senate in a close vote on June 5, 1916. This was one of the most significant days in American history, for we had, for the first time since the first decade of the nineteenth century, an official of the highest status whose heart‘s interest was in something besides the United States—an official, moreover, who interpreted the Law not as the outgrowth of precedent, but according to certain results desired by the interpreter.
The entire article on Justice Brandeis in the Universal Jewish Encyclopedia (Vol. II, pp. 495-499) should be read in full, if possible. Here are a few significant quotations: During the World War, Brandeis occupied himself with a close study of the political phases of Jewish affairs in every country. Since that time his active interest in Jewish affairs has been centered in Zionism . . .In 1919, he visited Palestine for political and organizational reasons . . . he has financed various social and economic efforts in Palestine.
As a justice, Mr. Brandeis: Never worried about such academic perplexities as the compatibility of Americanism with a minority culture or a Jewish homeland in Palestine. . . Breaking away from the accepted legal catechisms, he thoroughly and exhaustively probed the economics of each and every problem presented. . . The truth of his conviction that our individualistic philosophy could no longer furnish an adequate basis for dealing with the problems of modern economic life, in now generally recognized. . . he envisages a co-operative order. . . Brandeis feels that the Constitution must be given liberal construction.
This may be taken as the beginning of the tendency of our courts to assume by judicial decisions the function of legislative bodies.
There is testimony, also, to the influence of Brandeis over Wilson as a factor in America‘s entry into World War I and its consequent prolongation with terrible blood losses to all participants, especially among boys and young men of British, French, and German stock. Although Britain had promised self-rule to the Palestine Arabs in several official statements by Sir Henry MacMahon, the High Commissioner for Egypt, by Field Marshal Lord Allenby, Commander in Chief of British Military forces in the area, and by others (The Surrender of An Empire, by Nesta H. Webster, Boswell Printing and Publishing Co., Ltd., 10 Essex St., London, W.C. 2, 1931, pp. 351-356), President Wilson was readily won over to a scheme concocted later in
another compartment of the British government.
This scheme, Zionism, attracted the favor of the Prime Minister, Mr. David Lloyd George, who, like Wilson, had with prominent Jews certain close relations, one of which is suggested in the Encyclopedia Britannica article (Vol. XIX, p. 4) on the first Marquess of Reading (previously Sir Rufus Daniel Isaacs). Thus, according to S. Landman, in his paper Secret History of the Balfour Declaration (World Jewry, March 1, 1935), after an understanding had been arrived at between Sir Mark Sykes and Weizmann and Sokolow, it was resolved to send a secret message to Justice Brandeis that the British Cabinet would help the Jews to gain Palestine in return for active Jewish sympathy and support in U.S.A. for the allied cause so as to bring about a radical pro-ally tendency in the United
An article, The Origin of the Balfour Declaration (The Jewish Chronicle, February 7, 1936), is more specific. According to this source, certain representatives of the British and French Governments had been convinced that the best and perhaps the only way to induce the American President to come into the war was to secure the co-operation of Zionist Jewry by promising them Palestine. In so doing the Allies would enlist and mobilize the hitherto unsuspectedly powerful force of Zionist Jewry in America and elsewhere. Since President Wilson at that time attached the greatest possible importance to the advice of Mr. Justice Brandeis, the Zionists worked through him and helped to bring America in.
The strange power of Brandeis over President Wilson is indicated several times in the book, Challenging Years, The Autobiography of Stephen Wise (G.P. Putnam‘s Sons, New York, 1949). Rabbi Wise, for instance, spoke of Wilson‘s leaning heavily, as I well know he chose to do, on Brandeis (p.187), and records a surprising remark by the supposedly independent minded World War I President. To Rabbi Wise, who spoke of Zionism and the plans for convening the first session of the American Jewish Congress, Wilson said (p. 189): Whenever the time comes, and you and Justice Brandeis feel that the time is ripe for me to speak and act, I shall be ready.
The authenticity of these statements, which are well documented in the sources from which they are quoted, cannot be doubted. Full evaluation of President Wilson will have to wait until the secret archives of World War I are opened to the Public. Meanwhile, however, the management of the war in such a way as to bleed Europe to death casts persistent reflections upon the judgment if not the motives of President Wilson and Prime Minister David Lloyd George of Great Britain. Their bloody victory and their failure in peace stand in strong contrast to Theodore Roosevelt‘s dramatic success in ending, rather than joining, the great conflict (1904-1905) between Russia and Japan.
After the eight-year rule of President Wilson, the Democratic Party was retired from office in the election of 1920. For the next twelve years (March 4, 1921-March 4, 1933), the three diverse groups in the Party Southern Protestants, Northern Catholics, and Brandeis-type liberals, were held loosely together by leaders who helped each other toward the day of victory and the resultant power and patronage. Tactfully accustomed to ask no questions of each other, these leaders, still mostly Southern Protestants and Northern Catholics, did not ask any questions of the Party‘s rapidly increasing contingent of Eastern Europeans.